One fact is irrefutable: Nepal's recent political history tells us that the route to a return of monarchy cannot go through India despite friends in high places, asserts Aditi Phadnis.
Nepal's Democracy Day is observed every year on February 19, the day the 1950-1951 revolution overthrew the rule of the Ranas and established Nepal's first democratically elected government.
But King Mahendra dismissed parliament in 1960 and established the partyless panchayat system, which lasted three decades.
Though the panchayat regime held elections, political parties were banned and authoritarian control persisted.
A Jan Andolan in the 1980s led to the establishment of a multiparty parliamentary government but it was still a guided democracy.
Nepal abolished the monarchy altogether only in 2008. Vestiges of the monarchy and its thinking survive in the form of the Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP), which is the fifth-largest in Nepal's lower house.
The irony was palpable, therefore, when former king Gyanendra (the monarchy was abolished on his watch) addressed Nepal in a video on the eve of democracy day (using the royal 'We'): 'Time has come for us to assume responsibility to protect the country and bring about national unity.'
'We have been generous in the interests of the nation. We have given up our positions and privileges wishing for the good of the people. Sacrifice will never be small,' Gyanendra added.
This is not the first time the former king has sought a larger role in democratic politics in Nepal.
He has been travelling all over the country over the past few years, reminding his 'subjects' that things could be better.
What has changed, however, is the public response. Last fortnight, Laxman Neupane, a Nepalese resource economist and former chairman of the Nepal Stock Exchange, called from Kathmandu to report that Gyanendra's forays in the governance domain were creating chatter in the country.
His assessment was that around 50,000 people turned out at Kathmandu's Tribhuvan international airport to welcome him (the police said it was around 10,000) after he returned from a three-month tour of Nepalgunj, Bhairahawa, Pokhara, Syangja, Baglung, Myagdi, Bardiya, Dang and Taulihawa (largely western Nepal).
Political and economic conditions in Nepal have been rocky for a while.
Although gross domestic product (GDP) has been growing (4.6 per cent in 2025 as distinct from 4 per cent in 2024), the pandemic hit growth badly because 25 per cent of GDP is contributed by expatriate remittances.
The inflation rate is still 5 per cent, though down from 5.5 per cent earlier.
Recruitment by the Indian Army is at a standstill because of the Agniveer scheme, and unemployment continues to be a big source of anxiety.
The greatest angst is, however, corruption and instability in government. The country has had 13 governments since 2008.
Sixteen prime ministers have played musical chairs over 17 years.
The present one, K P Sharma Oli of the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist), is in power with Sher Bahadur Deuba's Nepali Congress and is expected to cede prime ministership to Mr Deuba in July next year. General elections are due in 2027.
The former king's offer of intervention met with expected pushback from non-RPP lawmakers.
In Parliament, Nepali Congress Member Ishwori Devi Neupane said 'anti-republican statements are unacceptable' and suggested 'if you want to return to power, contest elections'.
Former deputy prime minister Bamdev Gautam reminded the former king of the fate of monarchies in England and France.
Mr Oli's party colleague Gokul Baskota mocked RPP members.
'No need to worry too much, just buy a plane ticket, sir, and he will return without a rally. Returning to Kathmandu is possible, but returning to the throne is not,' he said.
The RPP's Gyanendra Shahi pressed for a referendum on the monarchy, questioning the legitimacy of the 2015 constitution, which was 'imposed by foreigners in their own interests'.
Mr Oli also responded. One Pradeep Bikram Rana had mounted a poster of Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath at the Kathmandu rally.
The prime minister said: 'We don't display pictures of foreign leaders in our rallies.'
This is pertinent in the context of two meetings Gyanendra is supposed to have had with Adityanath this year and many before that.
The Gorakhnath pantheon is strongly supportive of the Nepalese monarchy and Nepal as a 'Hindu kingdom'.
Gyanendra can sense the frustration and is looking at a bigger role for himself via the RPP, though public acceptability for the monarchy is still low, reflected in the poor election numbers for the RPP.
Moreover, the RPP's position in caste and gender inclusion is ambiguous whereas Left parties have contributed to the politicisation of marginalised communities, stoking ambition.
But one fact is irrefutable: Nepal's recent political history tells us that the route to a return of monarchy cannot go through India despite friends in high places.
Feature Presentation: Aslam Hunani/Rediff.com
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