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Home  » News » 'Political parties are like dharamshalas'

'Political parties are like dharamshalas'

By ARCHANA MASIH
September 29, 2021 07:36 IST
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'Anyone can come and anyone can go.'

IMAGE: Navjot Singh Sidhu, who spun a political googly on Tuesday, September 28, 2021, when he resigned as Punjab Congress Committee president.

"The Congress is performing the role of the Opposition for the last six months. The ruling party has produced an Opposition party within itself."

"The Congress is outcompeting the Opposition," Dr Pramod Kumar director, Institute of Development and Communication, Chandigarh, tells Rediff.com's Archana Masih as he speaks about what makes Punjab politics different from other states.

 

As the country's only Sikh majority state, how is the politics of Punjab different from other states?

Punjabi society does not represent the exclusivity which exists in other parts of the country. It is a different and evolved society.

Culturally, Punjabi society may have exclusive spaces, but it is intermeshed and that is why all political parties in the state are 'catch-all parties' -- they catch everyone.

In six of the past eleven elections, more Dalit MLAs have won from the Akali Dal. Dalits are also represented in the BJP and Aam Aadmi Party.

Data shows that in all 11 elections, a non-Dalit has won from constituencies with 30-40% Dalit population -- hence, it shows that Dalits do not vote as a separate block.

The best part of Punjabi society is 'co-options'. These co-options have happened not only in electoral politics, but also in bureaucracy.

For example, if there is a chief secretary who is a Jat Sikh, the DGP will be from a backward caste and some other official will be a Dalit.

This is a society which co-opts, but if political parties indulge in exclusivities, it will result in the replication of the Haryana model -- polarise along caste divisions, then capture power and out-vote the Jats.

Jatts constitute 21%-22% and have been in power in Punjab for the last 60 years. To understand Punjab on caste lines is showing one's own ignorance.

Sikhism has diluted caste divisions. The Punjabi identity is the core identity.

Punjabis have experienced that exclusivity only produced violence and destruction. The Punjabi people have learnt this lesson, but political parties haven't.

Is the Punjabi cultural identity stronger than religious identity in the state?

Punjabi society is an organic society. A Hindu in the state probably thinks s/he is 50% Sikh, 25% Arya Samaji and 25% Satnami.

Hindus here have evolved in the Punjabi culture and are not very ritualistic. The first religious place they will think of going to is probably the Golden Temple.

The cultural upbringing is such that these exclusivities have not been nurtured.

Punjab does not have the social terrain where such exclusive tendencies will flourish.

Unfortunately, one fears that politics may create same fissures which were generated in the 1980s that resulted in antagonism.

There are fissure and discrimination based on caste and religion, but the point I'm making is that the Punjabi culture is the dominant tendency -- irrespective of faith, caste, social grouping etc.

If politics creates fissures in order to get votes, what imminent threat does that pose for the state? What is the voting behaviour of the people of the state?

My fears are my suggestions. 1980s happened because of the creation of such fissures. In Punjab three tendencies coexist -- the question is what identity will the political parties use: Religious, communal or cultural.

Politics has revealed that parties get better rewards with inclusivity in the state. That is why farmers could not make a separate party because the agrarian class has already been ruling Punjab for 60 years.

The voting behaviour is also different in the state. For example, the Jatts do not vote as a block.

In 1996 when the Akali Dal and BSP formed a pre-poll alliance, Kanshi Ram won his first election from Punjab because the Sikh votes got transferred to him and S S Barnala won because the Dalit votes transferred to the latter.

This time there is no alliance between the Akalis and BJP, but many Hindus may vote for the Akalis.

There are no barriers and boundaries. That is why you'll find in most of the villages people have white turbans and blue turbans -- wear blue if Akalis come to power and white if Congress!

I am surprised how the national media constructs all-India categories. They do not take into account regional factors and variations.

IMAGE: Punjab Chief Minister Charanjeet Singh Channi with Shaheed-e-Azam Bhagat Singh's family members at an event on the occasion of the revolutionary's 114th birth anniversary at his memorial, Khatkar Kalan, in Shaheed Bhagat Singh Nagar, September 28, 2021. Photograph: ANI Photo

To what extent can a Dalit CM impact the election as far as the electorate is concerned?

Suddenly everyone is talking about Dalits -- as if the issues of farmers, development, delivery infrastructure, social justice etc are longer relevant.

It will not be possible to sway Punjabi society or polarise them on Dalit, Jatt and Hindu votes.

There are tendencies within Punjab which are much stronger than these aberrations and will not earn political rewards.

What advantage does this provide the Opposition in Punjab?

The Congress is performing the role of the Opposition for the last six months. The ruling party has produced an Opposition party within itself.

The Congress is outcompeting the Opposition.

Hence, the Opposition is bound to definitely benefit.

Which party will benefit the most?

I think it is advantage Akali Dal for now.

AAP is not at its peak as it was in 2017 and has presented itself to be as good or as bad as any other party.

I don't think AAP will gain much. They got a major share of the Dalit vote in the last election and since the Congress has appointed a Dalit CM, they may get a larger share of Dalit votes.

The BJP is also working among the Dalits for the last 2-3 years.

What is Captain Amarinder Singh's legacy in in Punjab politics?

His own party is not putting his legacy to test. If he had some legacy, the Congress would have articulated it.

I can say is that he is secular and doesn't believe in vindictive politics.

The lesson from his chief ministership is that political power should never be outsourced to retired civil servants and bureaucracy.

As far as his options go -- our political parties are dharamshala swithout doors. Anyone can come and anyone can go. There is no ideology, vision that differentiates one party from other.

Feature Presentation: Aslam Hunani/Rediff.com

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