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'It has been 14 years since I began living in exile and it's shocking that the situation in Balochistan has only worsened rather than improved.'
"No amount of development funding will change the Baloch perception of Pakistan if Pakistani intelligence agencies continue to arrest or kill young Baloch extrajudicially," says journalist Malik Siraj Akbar who fled Balochistan for his safety in 2010.
Akbar's journalism has exposed human rights violations by the Pakistani agencies and was the reason for his seeking political asylum in the United States.
There's an entire generation of Baloch that lives in Europe and the US.
"Young Baloch frequently face harassment and suspicion in Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, where they go for higher education. They are often subjected to investigations by intelligence agencies that unjustly suspect every young Baloch of being affiliated with insurgent groups."
"It is crucial to end the discrimination and humiliation of the Baloch, which includes labelling them as Indian agents or enemies of the State," Malik Siraj Akbar tells Rediff.com's Archana Masih in the concluding part of an e-mail interview.
Will the CPEC (China Pakistan Economic Corridor) transform Balochistan for the better or do the Baloch people feel that they will not reap any rewards from the CPEC? How hostile are ordinary Balochis to the CPEC?
Development is a secondary concern for the Baloch people. Their primary desire is for respect and an end to the treatment of Baloch citizens as second-class.
No amount of development funding will change their perception of Pakistan if Pakistani intelligence agencies continue to arrest or kill young Baloch extrajudicially.
Economic backwardness certainly contributes to the unrest in Balochistan, but it is not the sole factor driving anti-Pakistan sentiments.
Young Baloch frequently face harassment and suspicion in major cities like Lahore, Islamabad and Karachi, where they go for higher education. They are often subjected to investigations by intelligence agencies that unjustly suspect every young Baloch of being affiliated with insurgent groups.
It is crucial to end the discrimination and humiliation of the Baloch, which includes labelling them as Indian agents or enemies of the State. Development can only follow once this social discrimination is addressed.
Simply building roads and bridges will not foster goodwill towards Pakistan or its allies among the Baloch.
What are the reasons for the surge of attacks by the BLA (Balochistan Liberation Army)? How do you account for the brutalities behind last month's attacks and the anger behind them?
Recent attacks indicate that the BLA is now far more resourceful than it was in the past. The group appears to have increased both its number of fighters and its operational reach.
If the Pakistan government was unable to contain the BLA previously, these recent developments suggest that the situation may worsen.
The BLA has never been known for its humane practices; it is notorious for its brutal attacks on civilians and its use of women as suicide bombers.
While many in Balochistan are dismayed by this violent approach, they are powerless to stop the BLA's actions. Hence, they're likely to continue in the future.
As previously mentioned, Baloch society is currently deeply divided. Not all Baloch believe that violence is the only way to achieve justice. Despite this, the BLA remains the most powerful armed group.
Given the Pakistani government's substantial military and intelligence resources, its inability to curb the BLA's activities highlights the challenge for ordinary Baloch citizens and moderate political parties to influence the group.
It is deeply regrettable that a force claiming to fight against injustice engages in such brutal attacks on civilians, brainwashes young girls and recruits them as suicide bombers. This is something even the Taliban don't do.
How would you describe the Baloch people to our readers? What are they like in their attitude to life, to the authority of the Pakistan State?
Just like any other community, it's impossible to describe the Baloch people with just a few characteristics, as there is a great deal of diversity within the group. The Baloch, like others, have individuals with different political opinions and approaches to life.
Often, people mistakenly think that being Baloch refers to a single identity or viewpoint, but that's far from the truth. Among the Baloch, there are those who are religious, moderates, and liberals. Some wish to live within Pakistan, while others are determined to fight for independence, even if it requires a prolonged struggle.
However, there are certain characteristics that broadly represent Baloch society.
First, Balochistan is a deeply unequal society. Much of the region still operates under a tribal system where the tribal chiefs, enriched by their close ties with Pakistan's ruling elite, live in opulence. These leaders, such as the current Chief Minister Sarfaraz Bugti, are often rewarded for their loyalty to the Pakistani military and political establishment.
The wealth and power they display, through their lavish homes, large convoys, and heavily armed security, starkly contrast with the fact that Balochistan is Pakistan's most impoverished region.
These same tribal elites largely control the province's political system.
Second, Balochistan lags behind in health, education, and other opportunities, creating a deep sense of deprivation among its people. There is a widespread feeling that the province has fallen behind the rest of the country in almost every social indicator.
When Baloch people visit big cities like Karachi and Lahore, they are often struck by how much more developed these places are compared to their own region despite its enormous mineral wealth which still doesn't benefit the province and its people.
It's also important to consider the current generation of Baloch. Many young people have grown up during the ongoing conflict between Pakistan and the Baloch nationalist groups, living in an environment filled with fear.
Over the past two decades, widespread cases of enforced disappearances have created an atmosphere of uncertainty, hopelessness, and frustration. Young Baloch people struggle to understand why the state treats them like second-class citizens.
In Pakistan, loyalty to the State is something the Baloch are often required to prove repeatedly, a burden not imposed on people from other provinces.
For example, a Baloch student attending a college or university in a major Pakistani city is likely to be questioned about their stance on the Balochistan Liberation Army or the independence movement, which only adds to their frustration.
Furthermore, it's impossible to overlook the rising role of Baloch women in the political movement. In a society where women traditionally remained confined to their homes, a new chapter is unfolding as Baloch women step up and take leading roles in the political struggle.
This movement is unprecedented in the history of Balochistan. Women are now at the forefront, fearlessly calling out the atrocities committed by the Pakistani military. This development brings hope for the future of Balochistan, as women, who were once restricted, now participate actively in the political process.
They are organising rallies, press conferences, hunger strikes, and protests in Islamabad and other places, demonstrating a level of political engagement that has never been seen before.
This shift speaks volumes about the changing role of women in Baloch society and the potential for the future.
When did you visit Balochistan last? What were your personal impressions? What are your memories of growing up in Balochistan?
I left Balochistan in 2010 and haven't returned since. I'm part of a small group of Baloch who now live in exile, which includes political activists, journalists, and others who had to flee for their safety. There's an entire generation of Baloch now living in Europe and the US.
I grew up in the 1990s, which might have been the most peaceful decade in Balochistan's history in terms of its relationship with Pakistan. During my childhood, there was no active insurgency or widespread movement against the State. It was a time of political transition following the end of military rule under Zia-ul Haq, with elections being held and hopes high that Balochistan could participate in the national political process.
Today, that seems almost impossible, given the current repression of political figures and manipulation of the political situation. But in the 1990s, many Baloch leaders, who are now considered disillusioned or alienated, were actively involved in Pakistan's political system.
They held various roles, and we grew up in an environment filled with optimism about the future. We believed that anything was possible, and we hadn't yet encountered the widespread enforced disappearances that would later plague the region.
It has been 14 years since I began living in exile and it's shocking that the situation in Balochistan has only worsened rather than improved. After nearly 15 years away from Balochistan, I still do not consider it a safe place for journalists and activists.
The region remains plagued by widespread insecurity, making it extremely challenging for anyone to operate independently. Journalists face pressure from both the government and insurgent groups to produce content that favours one side or the other.
This precarious situation puts them at risk of serious trouble for not taking sides, and many have been killed while carrying out their work.
Feature Presentation: Aslam Hunani/Rediff.com