President's Rule In Manipur: Need Of The Hour

The solution to Manipur's problems lies in the government giving concessions to Meitis in jobs and education and to accept autonomy for the tribal dominated areas inhibited by the Kukis, suggests Colonel Anil A Athale (retd).

N Biren Singh resigned as Manipur chief minister on February 9, 2025 in wake of a 21-month-old ethnic conflict between the Meiteis and Kukis.

Over 250 people have died in the violence. One thing is certain: Mr Singh's resignation has not brought resolution to the crisis any closer.

Several groups of Meiteis continue to support him and the Kukis are not satisfied with a mere change in personalities.

Inter-tribal violence is not new to Manipur -- a several years-long conflict between the Nagas and Kukis between 1992 and 1998 saw nearly 1,000 deaths.

While the separatist insurgencies in most of the North East including Nagaland and Mizoram is well under control, peace has eluded Manipur.

The current phase of instability in Manipur began in the 1980s. In that year, the anti-reservation agitation in Gujarat found its echo in distant Manipur.

Meiteis, who live mainly in the Imphal Valley, are the only non tribal community. All others in the state are classified as tribals and enjoy special rights and concessions under the Constitution.

Manipur is unique in the sense that the north eastern parts as well as the western parts have Tangkhul Nagas and Kukis, both tribals.

In addition, Meiteis are the only non-Christian community in the North East that follows the Vaishnavite cult of Hinduism.

The Meiteis' grouse was (and is) that they suffer from the same disadvantages as others in Manipur but get no concessions and are expected to compete with citizens from developed parts of the country.

The Meiteis also saw how in wake of the insurgency, both Nagaland and Mizoram saw a flood of central assistance.

Manipur that remained a firm bastion for India in those turbulent times felt short changed.

Historically, Manipur that lies between Nagaland and Mizoram acted as a wedge so that the two could never make common cause and a joint front against India.

There is reason to believe that some Western powers toyed with the idea of 'Christianistan' (a Christian majority state) in the North East on the lines of Pakistan.

A stable Manipur also made it difficult for erstwhile East Pakistan to effectively help the Nagas who were the first to revolt in the 1950s.

The student agitation against reservation in the 1980s soon degenerated into insurgency.

Presence of arms left over from World War II, porous borders with Bangladesh and Myanmar and a general tendency in the North East to take up arms to solve political issues were the main causes.

None of the groups like PrePak, Kanglai Pak and even PLA (the Peoples Liberation Army) led by N Bishweshar Singh really believed that any kind of 'independent' Manipur was viable.

The violence in Manipur was essentially anger against the prevailing situation.

Some insurgent groups soon evolved into criminal gangs indulging in extortion and looting of banks etc.

The only disciplined outfit, the PLA, suffered a blow when its leader was captured by the Indian Army (then Second Lieutenant Cyrus Pithawala Ashok Chakra, later a major general).

In this murky game, the drug trade from the Golden Triangle in Myanmar made the issue far more complicated as it gave a source of funding to the gangs of Manipur.

Over the last 10 years or so, the government that was pro Meitei took several measures to win the Meiteis over and end the cycle of violence in Manipur.

This disturbed the Kukis, the erstwhile staunch pro-government tribe.

In the past as various efforts to woe the Meiteis failed, some Kukis were promoted as an insurgent group to checkmate the Meiteis.

In this volatile mix came the Manipur high court judgment that wanted to re-open the issue of Meiteis getting tribal status.

Hell broke loose and the predominantly Meitei manned police force acted against the Kukis or failed to protect them when attacked by the Meiteis. Meiteis living in Kuki dominated areas were killed by Kuki militants (possibly with arms provided by the government in the past).

One obvious solution is a trifurcation of the state into Naga, Imphal Valley and Kuki dominated areas.

The Meiteis are strongly opposed to this as they have historical memories of having ruled over the tribal areas.

Meiteis all these years have failed to win over the tribals to the idea of a 'United Manipur'.

It is seldom realised that freed of the burden of the hill areas, the Imphal Valley and Meiteis can make substantial economic progress.

But as Karl Marx once said the present generations carry the millstone of history round their necks!

The current violence in Manipur has degenerated into a grudge match. None of the parties involved in the violence have demanded 'independence' or secession. The demands of all the groups are a status within the Indian Union.

Let us not forget the situation in neighbouring Myanmar. The difficult geography and ethnic divide has seen the emergence of Kachins, Chins, Karens, Shans and Nagas carving up their own states where the writ of the central government in Naypyidaw does not run.

We are far better off due to wiser policies and better armed forces.

Currently a major rail project through very difficult terrain is nearing completion and Imphal will soon be on the rail map of India.

This will open up immense economic opportunity to Manipur that had to suffer several economic blockades in the past.

The solution to Manipur's problems lies in the government giving concessions to Meitis in jobs and education and to accept autonomy for the tribal dominated areas inhibited by the Kukis.

This is already in force in Naga dominated Ukhrul, so why not in Churachandpur?

A stint of President's Rule and mediation by an outside honest broker is the need of the hour.

Colonel Anil A Athale (retd) is a military historian whose earlier columns can be read here.

Feature Presentation: Aslam Hunani/Rediff.com