Coalition governments have come to stay, and that's the message
of the United Front experiment
Despite the parliamentary defeat, the United Front experiment
holds the key to the future, says N Sathiya Moorthy.
So, the bubble has burst. The United Front experiment which
had ballooned into a 13-party coalition with oxygen pumped
in from outside by the Congress has failed. And Hardanahalli
Dodde Gowda Deve Gowda has joined the ranks of V P Singh, P V
Narasimha Rao, Chandra Shekhar and Atal Bihari Vajpayee to become
the fifth former prime minister of the nation living at a time.
A dubious distinction, you may say, but the kind of distinction
that the Britishers prided themselves in the seventies when the
likes of Winston Churchill and Harold Macmillan were around, taking
the number of one-time tenants of 10 Downing Street to the precise
number of five. That was then trumpeted as a rare achievement
of democracy, and there is no reason why India should feel
any differently, now.
Deve Gowda's downfall was built into the system, yes. Given that his
government depended on the magnanimity of the Congress underwriter,
its longevity was always in doubt. From Indira Gandhi to Rajiv
Gandhi, and now to Sitaram Kesri, Congressmen are poor losers,
and cannot sit idle without power. If power corrupts, powerlessness
corrupts Congressmen absolutely -- they would
go to any extent to try and jump back into the driver's seat.
In a way, Deve Gowda was right in saying that he had to go only because
Kesri wanted to come in. And the Congress president could not
occupy a seat that wasn't vacant. In a way, again, it's the vanity
of a man put to test against the pride and needs of a nation.
Unlike most of his predecessors, Deve Gowda did
not aspire to be prime minister. Greatness was thrust upon him.
Yet, he acquitted himself
well under his own circumstances. And to pull him down for no
explicable reason, even now smacks of indecent haste by Congressmen.
Talks are already on to try and form an alternative government,
minus Deve Gowda. True, editorials have eulogised him in
comparison, but the fact remains that most of his United Front
compatriots are as uneasy as their Congress counterparts in
facing the nation. A plea is being offered that the nation
cannot afford another round
of elections within a year, and that Rs 10 billion or more may
have to be spend on the exercise all over again.
The fact is that our political masters are shy of facing their
own masters. After having done what they did on this
'black Friday', they now seem to be converging on a unanimous
opinion that they would try to save their seats -- if only they could.
If it's not a Congress-led coalition government, there can
be one led by the United Front itself. Worse still, there can
even be one headed by the BJP, if it came to that.
What then about
the lost vote-of-confidence of Friday, and what then about the
vote that Vajpayee lost last May? Has the United Front become
more acceptable without Deve Gowda's nominal leadership, and has the
Congress become equally acceptable after all this mess that
its unthinking leader has pushed the nation into? Incidentally,
has the BJP too become less communal and more secular in the
last year or so?
An election could still be the best way out. For a country
still in its democratic infancy and going through the toddler's
stage, it's better to fall once or twice, and fail ourselves in
the short-term before learning to stand straight on both our feet,
then walk with our heads high.
Maybe, the Congress does not deserve it,
but the party with its still substantial grassroots level support
needs to be told loudly and clearly, Thus far, and no more.
The adventurism of the Kesri type needs to be nipped in the bud.
A numbers game alone should not be the deciding factor in a democracy,
though that's what it all boils down to.
The Deve Gowda government was based on the unhealthy anti-BJPism
of some political parties. Unhealthy, because a party like the
BSP, for instance, has found nothing illogical, or politically
immoral to do business with the BJP time and again in Uttar
Pradesh, after having shunned the other, time and again.
So has
been the case with the Akali Dal and the Haryana Vikas Party of
Bansi Lal, not to mention George Fernandes and his Samata Party.
The last two parties may have had pro-BJP links from
the very day of formation, but can anyone forget what stuff Bansi
Lal and George Fernandes used to be made of when it came to taking
on the Hindutva forces, before their own marginalisation in
their parent organisations?
Granted that no government was possible without a coalition of
sorts, so the anti-BJPism of some of these parties did make some
political sense. To their credit should also go
the honour of keeping the United Front united, thus far. The constituents
of the United Front, for that matter, would rather stay united
and fall united, than split away and spirit away at the sight
of the danger-light ahead.
They may have their own political
compulsions for staying united, but this is the first time
that no horse-trading of any kind was mentioned. Which was not
the case even when the Advani-Vajpayee leadership took
a 'principled stand' of not encouraging horse-trading of the Congress
variety when the 13-day-old BJP government was facing a confidence
vote in the Lok Sabha last year.
That way, even the last-minute rumours of possible splits in the
Congress on the eve of Deve Gowda's confidence vote had their
origins elsewhere. No one said that either the United Front partners,
or some business house or the other, on its behalf, tried buying
up Congress MPs in large numbers, to prop up the incumbent
regime that has been industry's delight.
Big business in this
country may shed a tear or two for the fall of Deve Gowda's governemnt,
-- particularly if Chidambaram's Budget gets stymied --
but no one said they were behind any UF attempts to
buy peace with the Congress.
Instead, it was the frustrated dissent and impotent
rage of individual Congress MPs against their own leader for
having pushed them into another round of elections, without notice.
There were also reports about the ambitions of Congress
leaders like Sharad Pawar and Rajesh Pilot playing their part
in the process. If all the party MPs stuck together and voted
out Deve Gowda, it had more to do with their own anticipation of imminent
elections at the end of it all, when they would require a party
ticket and party resources.
For a party that claims rightful credit for uniting India that
never was united in the first place, the 'hands' of the Congress
are now bloodied with the successive cuts it has inflicted on
the national polity from the days of Indira Gandhi. No, the reference
is not just to the fun and frolic she had at the expense of Charan
Singh in August 1979, but dates back to her impatience of the late fifties,
when she had the democratically-elected Communist government of E M S
Namboodiripad dismissed undemocratically.
The party had better remember that
it does not hold any monopoly to rule the country anymore, and
that it is also not the monolith organisation it was once thought
to be.
Coalition governments have come to stay, and that's the message
of the United Front experiment. It is the
regional parties, and their sub-regional cousins who will count
the most, and even a party like the BJP has understood that,
as is seen from its unbridled anxiety to have allies and associates
in various states.
To panic at the push of a button
in the Lok Sabha will only encourage power-hungry traders like
Sitaram Kesri to push their way ahead. It may be a short reprieve
from a temporary problem, but will be a permanent infliction on
the democratic polity in the long-term.
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